Goldwater why not victory

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Feb 21, Brandon Minster rated it liked it. I love Barry Goldwater. My father in law saw me reading a biography of him and so he offered to let me read this book he had from his college days, debating whether to join the JBS. Aidan Cashman rated it liked it Nov 26, Thomas Armstrong rated it liked it Apr 10, Brian rated it liked it Apr 11, Goldwater asserts ""there is a meeting ground between those who believe this nation best serve its own interests and the interests of the free world by working as a lone agent The views in this book follow the established pattern of his speeches, columns, and articles.

He is, of course, for maintaining and upgrading America's military might, for widespread education on the subject of communism ""we are fighting communism as well as Communists"" , for ightening up the foreign aid program to increase its effectiveness, and for American concern with her own sovereignty before concern with the fate of the UN or its World Court he is in his explanation of his stand against repeal of the Connally Reservation.

Few surprises will be found among his comments on the U-2 flights Powers ""was lef not shot down from cruising altitude"" , the Berlin wall, Laos, and Red China.

Liherais and Radicals of either party will find only the usual reasons to scoff. Others who already approve of him politically, or have not yet decided, will appreciate Why Not Victory because it crystallizes his plans for waging the Cold War.

This is not as as his of a Conservative, and consequently may find an even audience. The late lamented President toward whom I managed to maintain an attitude well this side of idolatry was so assiduous in his dealings with these oracles that one could not but rejoice when a new star rose in the political firmament, however transiently, without taking any account of them at all.

Already I am in the Senator's debt for some hearty laughs. The disorder his nomination caused over here among pollsters and other expert political soothsayers was wonderful to behold. Not since General de Gaulle took over in France has there been such disquiet, if not panic, in their ranks.

On that occasion there was serious talk in leftist circles, with a nostalgic glance toward the 30's and the Spanish Civil War, of raising an International Brigade to frustrate the anticipated excesses of Algerian colons and generals red in tooth and claw.

No one has yet suggested, not even in the Tribune or the New Statesman , that this time an International Brigade should be raised to invade America, capture Mr. Goldwater, and insist on the Republican party nominating Governor Rockefeller or some other figure more worthy of being interviewed on BBC programs like Panorama , made the subject of an Observer profile, and otherwise incorporated in our canon of righteousness and enlightenment.

Short of this, however, reactions have been intense. Goldwater as though he were a Seventh Day Adventist or Jehovah's Witness who had unaccountably been made an Anglican bishop. One came away from leftist cocktail parties fully expecting to find the fall-out had begun and the streets already running with Strontium B.

Voices on the air and coming out of the television screen were grave indeed. If clergymen, when they besought heaven to save us from war, pestilence, and sudden death, did not add the junior Senator from Arizona, their tone of voice indicated that they might well have done so. Goldwater's political ideas, as set forth in The Conscience of a Conservative , scarcely support these alarmist attitudes.

They are as flat and banal as a dissertation by a St. Louis business executive to a convention of carbon-paper manufacturers in Atlantic City. There is a kind of glorious audacity in thus flouting so many powerful electoral interests, like the farmers and the trade unionists, normally treated with great ostensible consideration by both parties. Only the Southern racists would seem to be in a position to derive much comfort from the Senator's proposals.

What Mr. Goldwater is, in effect, proposing is to return to the pre-New Deal America; a journey which, even if he seriously intended to undertake it as I take leave to doubt, confirmed therein by the Senator's more recent pronouncements at Hershey and elsewhere , would come to grief in the minefields and quicksands lying between now and then.

Laissez-faire economics at home and isolationism in foreign policy are just not worth arguing about, for or against, today. They exist, if at all, as a cast in the eye of the beholder. The venerable Mr. Hoover himself would, I am sure, hesitate to recommend such courses. If someone as normally astute as Mr. Goldwater has seen fit, nonetheless, to identify himself with attitudes which he must know to be neither intellectually valid nor practically expedient, it can only be because he considers that in the present American temper a Don Quixote image is more appealing than the traditional one of a glad-handing, benevolent, all-purpose politico such as Mr.

Nixon adopted, so nearly with success. Here Mr. Goldwater's calculations may not be so far astray. For some years now there has been discernible among the young in America a mood of romantic conservatism, disconcerting, if not shocking, to old subversives from over the ocean like myself making our weary way from one lecture podium to another.

And not only in America. It afflicts the British Labor party, as Mr. Harold Wilson is well aware; also Herr Willy Brandt and his Social Democrats, losing monotonously to those unpleasing West German economic miracle-makers. De Gaulle is a portent the other way.

Who would ever have believed that the French, of all people, could be induced to accept with little friction the personal rule of this portentous man of destiny compared with whom, in certain respects, Mr.